Nicolas Beau
Faced with a wave of protests and violent armed clashes that have bloodied the Libyan capital, several ministers in the national unity government chaired by Abdelhamid Debeibeh have formalized their withdrawal from the executive branch.
This collective defection illustrates the deepening of a major political crisis shaking Libyan institutions. The government of current Prime Minister Debeibeh is expected to collapse under popular pressure, while Parliament is expected to appoint a prime minister in the coming days.
This government repudiation comes amid heightened popular tensions. Protesters converged on Martyrs’ Square, the symbolic epicenter of Tripoli, vehemently demanding the dismissal of the Debeibeh government.
The protesters, some of whom reached the Prime Minister’s headquarters on Sikka Road, blame the head of government for the violence that has engulfed the capital.
Fadel Lamen, a candidate in the December 2021 presidential elections, is on the official list of eleven candidates for Prime Minister. A journalist and recognized expert on Middle Eastern and North African affairs, he played a central role in Libya’s post-revolutionary transition, focusing on political reform, economic development, and social stability.
Fadel Lamen is number 7 on the list of eleven candidates for the post of Prime Minister approved by the Libyan parliament ten days ago.
Born in 1960 in Benghazi, Fadel Lamen lived there until the age of 10. His father is from the Zuaid tribe (in the city of Al-Khoms, western Libya), while his mother is descended from a notable family – the granddaughter of Fadhil Bou Omar, one of the most prominent Libyan resistance fighters, originally from Oujla (Fezzan region, southern Libya). He spent his childhood in Tripoli where he studied, before moving to the United States to obtain a master’s degree in media and political science.
Fadel Lamen served as the Director General of the Libyan National Council for Economic and Social Development (NCESD), a government think tank founded in 2008 to support the country’s reform efforts. In this role, he led several initiatives aimed at rebuilding the Libyan economy and strengthening the social fabric, with a particular focus on empowering youth and women.
A key player in the Libyan political dialogue, Lamen served as an independent member and coordinator of the UN-led Libyan Political Dialogue. He contributed to the drafting and signing of the Libyan Political Agreement (LPA) in 2015, a crucial agreement that ended the 2014 civil war and was endorsed by a UN Security Council resolution. He also chaired the National Commission for Dialogue in Libya, working toward reconciliation and unity among Libya’s various factions.
Outside of his political engagement, Fadel Lamen has extensive experience in journalism. He has published extensively in Arabic and English on regional politics, culture, and US foreign policy. His analyses have been featured in leading research centers such as the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace and the Rafik Hariri Center. He regularly appears in the media as a commentator on Libyan affairs and broader Middle Eastern issues.
In his interview with Mondafrique, Fadel Lamen calls for “responsible international support”
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Mondafrique: You participated in several national dialogues after each internal war. What were you trying to accomplish through these dialogues?
I wasn’t looking for positions, but for solutions. That’s why I’ve always insisted: dialogue must not be a mere diplomatic formality; it must lead to genuine reconciliation that includes all Libyans, without exception.
My fundamental objective was to go beyond the logic of “quotas” to move towards a true “national partnership” and establish the foundations of a state that respects its institutions and believes that Libya belongs to all and is built with all.
I have often repeated that “one government for one state with capable institutions” is the path to salvation. Accountability, discipline, and control must be fundamental elements of any agreement, otherwise dialogue will only reproduce the crisis instead of resolving it.
Mondafrique: In your opinion, did these dialogues fail due to a lack of Libyan will or due to foreign interference?
The failure of some dialogue rounds cannot be attributed to a single cause. There is clearly local responsibility: many parties did not come with a resolution mentality, but rather with a view to preserving their gains. Sometimes, the objective was simply to leave the room with a tactical gain, without aiming for a lasting agreement.
That said, I do not deny that foreign interference has had a negative effect. Some powers have fueled divisions instead of encouraging unity, imposing conditions that are contrary to the national interest.
This is why I have always called for what I call “responsible international support,” a role of support, not of guardianship.
And I have made this clear after certain episodes of political violence, such as the attempted assassination of Minister of State Adel Jumaa: “Violence cannot be a means to resolve political differences. Dialogue is the only way. Continuing the impasse will only lead to further violent reactions.”
Mondafrique: Was there a dialogue where you sensed a real possibility of stability? And what happened to that opportunity?
The moment I felt Libya was closest to real stability was during the Skhirat Agreement in 2015, in which I participated as an independent member within the UN mission.
There was a clear international consensus, a palpable domestic weariness with division, and a genuine hope of building a national unity government to save the country from collapse.
Unfortunately, obstacles quickly emerged: some parties rejected the agreement because they did not feel sufficiently consulted or benefited, while others took advantage of the fragility of the institutions to recycle their power under a new guise.
The opportunity was lost not because the agreement was bad, but because political will was lacking and the spirit of domination took precedence over that of partnership. Fear and mistrust also played their part.
Since then, I have called for genuine reconciliation, a prerequisite to any power-sharing, based on justice, disarmament, and a strengthening of the role of the judiciary. These are not luxuries, but the fundamental conditions for stability.
As I said: “Without judicial and control institutions with real powers, the plunder will move from pockets to flesh… and not even bones will remain.”
Mondafrique. How do you assess the current situation in Libya, more than ten years after the revolution? Are we closer or further away from a state project?
We are not far from rebuilding the state, but we face both operational and existential dangers. In recent years, and particularly the last three, collapse has become evident in key state institutions, such as the National Oil Company, the Central Bank, and the Libyan Sovereign Wealth Fund. The judiciary, for its part, has lost all protection, and the executive branch has remained divided for more than a decade.
Libya now faces an existential threat that threatens its unity and risks causing its breakup and economic and social collapse. A Libya transformed from a fragile state to a ruined one will have consequences for its neighbors, Europe, and Africa.
This is a historic moment. The country needs strong national leadership capable of uniting, reconciling, and reforming, without exclusion or marginalization. Libya is for all, by all. A common future, a single destiny.
Mondafrique. What do you consider the top priority at this stage: unifying the country? Building institutions? Or improving the economy?
All of this is connected. None of these issues can be solved in isolation. But if we must start with one, unity is key.
Institutions cannot be built in a climate of deep social division, nor can an economy be redressed in an atmosphere of hatred and misunderstanding.
The reconciliation I advocate is not limited to media conferences or press releases. It must involve recognizing the other, repairing wrongs, integrating veterans into state structures in accordance with the law, and putting an end to the rhetoric of treason.
Ending parallel institutions and competing governments will help build unified, efficient and transparent institutions. We need an independent judiciary, strong oversight bodies and competent local government.
As for the economy, it is the key to the return of hope. But development cannot come without stability. I once said: the absence of a state has transformed the theft of money into the pillaging of bodies. Salvation will only come from just governance, within a unified state.
Mondafrique: Does the Libyan citizen still believe in change? And what would you say to this young generation who has known only chaos?
Yes, hope remains—even if it is tenuous. Libyan citizens are not naive. They understand the mechanics of the political game. What they expect today are not words, but actions: a sincere government, fair justice, and a law that applies to all.
My message to young people is clear: don’t be victims of this phase; be builders of what comes next. You have inherited disorder, but also an opportunity: to redefine the meaning of homeland. Don’t let anyone decide your future for you. Take your place in the public debate, in the media, in projects. Libya doesn’t need a savior, but a generation that understands that unity is the only guarantor of peace and stability.
As I said on February 17: “The day is near when we will celebrate not only the end of the conflict, but the beginning of a new era… when every Libyan will reap the fruits of their labor, and when we will all feel safe and confident about the future of our children.”
Mondafrique: Why did you decide to run for prime minister at this precise moment? And what’s different about your proposal?
My decision to run for the presidency was not born out of a simple personal desire, but rather the fruit of a long political journey, participation in dialogues, and a vision I have developed over the years based on a deep understanding of the Libyan crisis. Libya is now at a critical moment: it can no longer afford to wait or tolerate more provisional governments without oversight or legitimacy.
What I am proposing is different: it is not a catalogue of electoral promises, but a concrete plan based on several clear pillars:
• A single governmental authority, with real and not symbolic legitimacy.
• A restructuring of the Libyan economy with diversification towards sustainable growth.
• A system of decentralized local governance, with expanded responsibilities.
• The return to complete national sovereignty, with diplomacy based on mutual respect, common interests, and strategic partnerships.
• Development of public services, particularly in education and health, adapted to the 21st century.
• Promoting investment, economic competition, and youth entrepreneurship with state support but without state domination.
• And finally, the strengthening of national capacities: security forces, justice, control institutions.
Mondafrique: Who are your potential partners in this national project?
My project is deeply national and open to all forces that believe in the state, in action, and in Libyan sovereignty. My partners are those who accept the arbitration of institutions, reject violence, and place Libya’s interests above personal, regional, or ideological interests.
Mondafrique: How do you see Libya’s place in the regional context? What role can it play in regional stability?
Our geographical position, our resources, and our population give us the ability to be a bridge of cooperation, not a battleground. Libya is for everyone and by everyone. Our strength, stability, security, and sovereignty lie in our unity.
Mondafrique. Finally, what do you want to leave in the memory of Libyans? What message do you have for your people as you prepare to enter a crucial phase?
Don’t give in. Don’t let the culture of chaos become our destiny. The future is not given, it is built.
As I said on February 17, 2025, “Very soon, we will all take to the streets as Libyans, and we will celebrate – sincerely – as a united nation, a strong and rooted national state. May God protect our country and our people.”
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