Fuat Emir Şefkatli

It can be said that the US shapes its priorities in Libya around energy security, balancing Russia’s increasing influence in the region and maintaining its military presence.
Recently, international actors have been increasingly interested in Libya, which has witnessed political, military and economic crises. The United States of America (USA) stands out with its specific weight in regional politics and its political and security-based strategies towards Libya since 2011. In this context, it can be said that the US has shaped its priorities in Libya around energy security, balancing Russia’s increasing influence in the region and maintaining its military presence.
In connection with these three items, the US aims to control the impact of Libya’s oil and natural gas flows on global energy markets, to thwart Russia’s efforts to gain influence, especially on NATO’s southern flank, and to use Libya’s strategic location for the military operations of the African Command (AFRICOM).
Breaking points
The attack on the US Consulate in Benghazi in 2012 and the assassination of Ambassador Christopher Stevens constituted a significant turning point in relations between the US and Libya. After this date, the US put “limited intervention” and “remote balancing” strategies on its agenda in Libya. Within this framework, Washington took steps to break the influence of radical groups by considering Libya as an area of combating terrorism. In addition, the US, which has participated in diplomatic processes through the United Nations Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) since 2016, continued to pursue its policy towards the country with a security-oriented approach after the elections planned to be held in Libya in 2021 were canceled.
In the following period, it can be said that critical issues such as unifying the army, removing Wagner from the region and ensuring the security of oil facilities were brought to the agenda during the visits to Libya by high-level officials such as the Director of the US Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) William Burns and AFRICOM Commander General Michael Langley. In short, the US has shaped its policies in Libya for the last 15 years mostly according to the geopolitical balances in the region and has also tried to secure the flow of energy.
Another turning point in relations between the US and Libya was the liquidation of Wagner in Russia. After this process, Russia pulled its military presence in Africa, starting with Libya, to a more institutional line and left the remaining areas largely to the Ministry of Defense. At this point, Russia’s African Legion (African Corps), which was established in May and was a continuation of Wagner, prepared the ground for the US’s counterbalancing moves.
Around the same time, the US company Amentum brought together some armed group leaders in western Libya and discussed the establishment of a structure similar to Russia’s African Legion. On the one hand, the Washington administration maintained diplomatic relations with the Haftar family, the most important armed and political force in the east of the country, and on the other hand, it established the Libyan-European Legion, led by militia groups supporting western cities.
In addition to these activities, the US has recently attempted to disarm militia groups in Libya through another company, Chemonics. In the news, especially in the French and Libyan domestic press, it was claimed that Chemonics would include different armed groups in Libya in disarmament, demobilization and reintegration (DRI) programs within a certain mechanism and timetable.
The US’s recent increasing quest
for legitimacy
At this point, the US’s declining reputation in the Sahel region neighboring Libya led to the end of its military presence with the coup in Niger, and today it has accelerated its search for new bases in West Africa. Developments in Niger have increasingly questioned the influence of the US and traditional allies such as France in the region. In this respect, it can be said that Libya has ceased to be a mere energy and security issue for the US, and has become a strategic area where it can reestablish its influence on the African continent.
Another important aspect of Libya for the US, which aims to rebuild its influence in Africa by establishing a permanent military presence and effective diplomatic relations, is that the country is central to migration routes and energy supplies to Europe. Energy and migration routes that reach the Mediterranean via Libya are also critical to Europe’s security and stability. In this respect, Russia or another rival actor increasing their influence and influence in the North African country is not a preferable scenario for the US.
On the other hand, Turkey is one of the important actors in Libya, both politically and militarily. For Turkey, which has reached common ground with the US in terms of completing the transition process in the country, the restoration of permanent stability in Libya can be shown as one of the priority goals. In addition, it is possible to see Turkey’s military presence in the west of the country as a deterrent element that prevents tensions between the parties from turning into full-scale conflicts since December 2019. Therefore, it can be stated that the US’s more balanced moves in Libya that will benefit the transition process will be welcomed positively by Turkey.
In summary, the ongoing political uncertainty in Libya and the possibility that the ongoing military competition between rival factions could result in large-scale conflicts make it necessary for the US to intervene in soft and hard power interventions in the fragile security dynamics in Libya. In fact, Libya’s association with the European security architecture in the areas of migration and energy and the US’s loss of political and military flexibility in Africa have been important signals at this point.
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Fuat Emir Şefkatli is an Independent Researcher and a PhD candidate at the National Defense University.
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